I am ready for the day that you guys realize we have NEVER had consistent signficantly exceptional gun control in this country.
Once again do not bring up the predictable argument for Washington and DC and the whole "tough laws" thing
As I said we have never had consistent significantly exceptional gun control in this country. The 1994 Brady Bill which expired in 2004(forget the automatic weapons ban for a second) had a HUGE flaw with the background check system and that is why the estimated decrease in crime was only about3 to 6 percent.(or arguably barely at all).
Basically the bill was pointless because it ended up being a ban on assault weapons with like half percent background checks and barely anything to do with mental health or a gun trafficking law like Obama's gun control plan.
This was the reason with the "gun show" loophole we have heard about at some point recently, that allows a very high percentage of people to receive guns without getting them checked.
Some of you guys should read this article and others like it who are citing information and not just yahoo answers:
Missouri Democrats Introduce Legislation to Confiscate Firearms - Gives Gun Owners 90 Days to Turn in Weapons
February 14, 2013
Missouri Democrats introduced an anti-gun bill which would turn law-abiding firearm owners into criminals. They will have 90 days to turn in their guns if the legislation is passed.
Here’s part of the Democratic proposal in Missouri:
4. Any person who, prior to the effective date of this law, was legally in possession of an assault weapon or large capacity magazine shall have ninety days from such effective date to do any of the following without being subject to prosecution:
(1) Remove the assault weapon or large capacity magazine from the state of Missouri;
(2) Render the assault weapon permanently inoperable; or
(3) Surrender the assault weapon or large capacity magazine to the appropriate law enforcement agency for destruction, subject to specific agency regulations.
5. Unlawful manufacture, import, possession, purchase, sale, or transfer of an assault weapon or a large capacity magazine is a class C felony.
Despite the differing opinions on either side of the gun control debate, one thing holds true: crime rates in inner-city neighborhoods are harrowing.
Roy Innis knows this all too well. Two of his sons were killed with illegal guns, one in Harlem, and one in the South Bronx.
Innis is the national chairman of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), one of the oldest civil rights organizations. He considers the NRA a civil rights organization too, which is why he sits on its board.
"Who are the people who are the prime victims of gun violence?" he told The Huffington Post. "People in south Chicago, in Harlem, in South Bronx, in Washington D.C. But very few of these people, if any, have legal guns."
In recent weeks, the country's gun debate has taken a racial turn. The latest ad from the National Rifle Association urges people not to trust the government to protect them, with references to segregation and the KKK. In January, controversial rock star Ted Nugent compared gun owners to Rosa Parks. Recently, conservative political activist Star Parker released her own ad equating gun control with Jim Crow, while the president of the NRA argued that the origins of gun control were racist.
It's a striking trend, particularly since the black leadership has traditionally led the charge for gun control. The National Urban League is a member of The Coalition to Stop Gun Violence, and few organizations have put as much legal muscle behind the gun control fight as the NAACP. African-Americans are also less than half as likely as whites to own a gun, and they're far more likely to prioritize gun control over gun rights.
But while African-Americans on either side of the debate agree gun violence is a scourge in the inner-city, they disagree on another vital fact: whether gun control hurts more than it helps.
Guns As Black Tradition
Targeting blacks is a new turn for the gun rights movement, but the arguments they're using are not. For decades, black opponents of gun control have also been fighting their cause under the banner of civil rights, although their ranks have dwindled.
Armed self-defense had a critical role in the civil rights movement. In certain southern states, black-armed groups would guard voter drives and the homes of civil rights leaders. In her landmark reports on lynching, Ida B. Wells, a co-founder of the National Association of Colored Women, wrote, "a Winchester rifle should have a place of honor in every Black home" for the "protection which the law refuses to give."
When Rosa Parks and her husband began organizing activist meetings in their home, she claims she had no place to put the refreshments "with the table so covered with guns." Even Martin Luther King, Jr. applied for a concealed firearm permit, after his house was firebombed.
This tradition has shaped the politics of many black gun rights advocates. Former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has said her defense of the second amendment is rooted in memories of growing up in Birmingham, Ala., when her father and his friends would guard their streets against white terror groups.
A Good Guy With A Gun
For many blacks, gun control is an emotional issue. "When we talk about gun safety, gun violence, we say, 'My kids should have a right to go to school without being shot,'" Hilary Shelton, the Washington bureau director of the NAACP, told The Huffington Post.
It's already much harder to buy a gun legally in many black communities. In Chicago, for example, gun stores are banned, as are assault weapons and high-capacity magazines. In Washington D.C., all guns must be registered, and it's almost always illegal to carry a firearm.
But violence in the poorest parts of these cities remains stubbornly high. Gun control proponents say the laws are too limited, while gun rights advocates claim they've only further concentrated guns in the hands of criminals. Innis believes one of his children could have been saved, if an armed good Samaritan had been standing by.
"The only thing that's going to stop a bad guy with a gun is a good guy with a gun," says Micheal Cargill, a black gun shop owner in Austin, Tex., who only applied for a concealed gun license after his grandmother, who decided to get a nursing degree at the age of 70, was mugged and raped on the way home from the library. Cargill said he faced hostility from friends and neighbors when he started his business. "It's not typical in the African American community," he said. "It's something frowned upon."
The need for self-defense is often felt more acutely in neighborhoods, where there's the sense that the police will take a long time to come, or may not come at all.
"These black people living in these hyper-ghettos feel like they're on their own," says Yale University sociology professor Elijah Anderson, author of the classic "Code of the Street," who's spent most of his adult life studying these communities.
"To protect yourself from criminals, to protect your daughter, to protect your son, you have to show this person in no uncertain terms that if the police don't deal with you, I'll deal with you. I'll kick your ***," he told The Huffington Post. "This is a decent person who goes to church. An old lady who's 65 years old, who has a gun."
Gun Rights As Citizenship
For many black gun rights activists, policies that disarm minorities eerily echo old racist claims that blacks were unfit for citizenship. Throughout the country's history, it's been harder for minorities to get their hands on firearms.
Black gun rights advocates often point this out, from the explicitly racist gun laws of our early republic, to racially suspicious laws, like bans on cheaper guns, stricter regulations in black communities, and the major 1968 gun control act, which came on the heels of several race riots.
Even Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, in his concurring opinion overturning the Chicago handgun ban, detailed the long history of whites disarming blacks. Thomas' defense of gun ownership was so fervent that an op-ed in the Washington Post called it "straight from the heart of Malcolm X."
This line holds a clue as to why black pro-gun voices are so marginal today. In the 1970s, black arguments for armed self-defense were often confused with calls for black violence. In response, civil rights groups like the NAACP distanced themselves from the pro-gun wing of the movement to gain wider support with whites, according to Nicholas Johnson, a professor at Fordham University School of Law, who's writing a book on the black tradition of gun ownership.
The strategy worked, he says. And when those groups found a home in the Democratic Party, they ditched the pro-gun talk altogether. Today, race beats gender, age, geography, and politics as the most powerful predictor of whether an American owns a gun.
I'm really thinking this gun-control talk is a waste of time. Nothing significant is going to happen on the federal level. The reason being is because while there are many who want these changes, there are many who do not. I'm listening to Bloomberg and Biden now saying most of America wants these changes.
I grew up in NY and live in Georgia. Let me tell you, in GA they are trying to pass laws to EXTEND gun carrying rights to plces like churches and schools
And in one county, there is a bill being proposed to make it a crime if you DO NOT own a firearm!
This is not all about the NRA. This is about America as a whole, just loving guns. You are struggling just to get background checks. Like what they do when you are buying a car or a house.
Theres a struggle to ban assault weapons. Truth be told, they only account for 4% of homicides, so I'm not sure its even worth the effort. Aint gonna happen anyway.
Police Departments Beg And Barter For Ammo While DHS Buys Up 1.6 Billion Rounds In Past Year
March 22, 2013
The nationwide shortage of ammunition has left many police departments scrambling to get their hands on the necessary rounds - with some even bartering among each other.
Meanwhile, Rep. Timothy Huelskamp (R-Kansas) says the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has failed to respond to multiple members of Congress asking why DHS bought more than 1.6 billion rounds in the past year.
Police Chief Cameron Arthur of Jenks, Oklahoma says, "Ammunition and assault weapons in general have skyrocketed...In addition to the fact, not only is it a lot more expensive, but the time to get it could be six months to a year, or in some cases even longer."
Arthur says he is waiting on an order placed last October and that many departments have begun to trade and barter with each other because of the high demand.
"Most police departments are having a very difficult time even getting the necessary ammunition for handguns, shotguns and especially rifles," Arthur said.
"With the delay in ammunition, some departments are limiting the number of rounds they carry in their handgun because of the shortage of ammunition. We get to the point where it is difficult to have enough ammo to train and also equip the officers."
Chief Pryor of Rollingwood, Texas says of the shortage:
"We started making phone calls and realized there is a waiting list up to a year. We have to limit the amount of times we go and train because we want to keep an adequate stock."
"Nobody can get us ammunition at this point," says Sgt. Jason LaCross of the Bozeman, Montana police department.
LaCross says that manufacturers are so far behind that they won't even give him a quote for an order.
"We have no estimated time on when it will even be available," LaCross says.
He worries that when ammunition is finally available the high price will squeeze the department's budget.
"The other options are to reduce the amount of training and things like that," he said.
The Hamilton County Sheriff's Department has also cut down on firearm training due to the high cost and low supply of ammunition.
"The concern over firearms availability and ammunition availability and potentials of gun control certainly has impacted the availability of ammunition purchased locally," Sgt. Jody Mays says.
He says the department has cut a third of their normal in service firearm training:
"It's forced us...to use ammunition more economically."
Police Chief John Mabry in Marinette, Wisconsin says, "Ammo is expensive and lot tougher to get. People don't have it in stock and it's back-ordered."
His colleague, Menominee Chief, Brett Botbyl agrees: "We're looking at a four to nine-month wait."
Some departments have even applied for grants to pay for the high-priced ammunition.
"The Florence Police Department is looking for some help filling its clips," reports Cincinnati.com
Chief Tom Szurlinski says the grant would go a long way given the price and limited supply of ammunition.
Bloomberg’s TV Blitz on Guns Puts Swing Senators on the Spot
The commercial, which will play in 13 states, makes no mention of an assault weapons ban once sought by the White House.
By MICHAEL BARBARO
Published: March 23, 2013
The commercial is an unambiguous appeal to gun owners: a middle-aged hunter, rifle in hand, vows that he will fight to protect the Second Amendment. But in a sensible, father-of-the-house tone, he also urges voters to support comprehensive background checks, “so criminals and the dangerously mentally ill can’t buy guns.”
VIDEO: Mayors Against Illegal Guns Ad
Bloomberg Goes to Washington to Push Gun Laws, but Senate Has Other Ideas (February 28, 2013)
Biden Joins Mayor and Newtown Families to Push for Gun Limits (March 22, 2013)
Senator Is Angry Over Bill’s Exclusion of Assault Gun Ban (March 20, 2013)
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Andrew Gombert/European Pressphoto Agency
Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg
The man behind the advertisement is not known for his kinship with the gun crowd: Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg, the nation’s fiercest advocate of restrictions on firearms since the December rampage at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Conn.
Determined to persuade Congress to act in response to that shooting, Mr. Bloomberg on Monday will begin bankrolling a $12 million national advertising campaign that focuses on senators who he believes might be persuaded to support a pending package of federal regulations to curb gun violence. The ads, in 13 states, will blanket those senators’ districts during an Easter Congressional recess that is to be followed by debate over the legislation.
In a telling sign of how much the white-hot demands for gun control have been tempered by political reality, Mr. Bloomberg’s commercials make no mention of an assault weapons ban once sought by the White House and its allies, instead focusing on the more achievable goal of universal background checks.
“You don’t want to lose everything in the interest of getting the perfect,” Mr. Bloomberg said in an interview, acknowledging his disappointment over the apparent unlikelihood of an assault weapons ban, but insisting he is resolved to push the legislation through at a time when its prospects are uncertain.
The mayor’s advertising blitz, which will saturate television screens in states including Ohio, Pennsylvania, North Carolina and Arizona, represents by far the biggest escalation of Mr. Bloomberg’s attempts to become a one-man counterweight to the National Rifle Association in the political clash over guns.
“The N.R.A. has just had this field to itself,” Mr. Bloomberg said. “It’s the only one that’s been speaking out. It’s time for another voice.”
After months of wrangling, the current package of Senate legislation would expand background checks for gun buyers, increase penalties for people who buy firearms for those barred from owning them and would give law enforcement new tools to combat illegal gun trafficking, a longtime goal of Mr. Bloomberg’s.
Given the mayor’s role in contributing to the ouster of an N.R.A.-backed candidate in an Illinois Congressional race a few weeks ago, his push carries an unmistakable threat to those who vote against the bills.
The ads are directed at Democratic and Republican senators in both swing states and partisan precincts. Among Mr. Bloomberg’s targets are some of the Senate’s most vulnerable Democrats, including Kay R. Hagan of North Carolina, Mary L. Landrieu of Louisiana and Mark L. Pryor of Arkansas, for whom the gun issue is particularly problematic because they will need Republican votes to win re-election.
Some of the senators, such as Dean Heller of Nevada, Rob Portman of Ohio and Patrick J. Toomey of Pennsylvania, all Republicans, represent swing states where voters are divided over guns. Other Republicans would seem to be out of reach for Mr. Bloomberg: Saxby Chambliss and Johnny Isakson of Georgia, Daniel Coats of Indiana and Jeff Flake of Arizona.
In each case, the commercials urge support for the measure requiring background checks for nearly all firearms purchases, not just those in gun stores, the most debated element of the legislation and a coveted goal of gun control advocates.
Mr. Bloomberg has singled out Mr. Flake, who already voted against the expansion of background checks in the Senate Judiciary Committee, by producing a special, scolding commercial aimed at Arizona. “Flake’s vote,” the ad declares, equals “no background checks for dangerous criminals.”
The mayor, who has spent tens of millions of dollars to support his favored candidates, intends to wield his “super PAC” to influence the midterm Congressional elections next year and beyond. He said he would prefer “candidates who will stop people from getting killed.”
“There is an easy measure of how you decide who those are,” he said, noting that gun rights groups rate lawmakers. “The N.R.A. keeps score of it for you. They are public information.”
To those who might fear his financial might, he added: “If they pass sensible gun legislation, there is not an issue and I don’t have to spend a dime.”
The N.R.A. plans to roll out its own lobbying campaign, using print and broadcast advertising to reach lawmakers during the recess. But its leaders said that their investment was unlikely to rival the intensity of Mr. Bloomberg’s spending, to be carried out through Mayors Against Illegal Guns, a group he co-founded.
“Can we match Mayor Bloomberg dollar for dollar?” asked Chris W. Cox, the group’s chief lobbyist. “No one can. We don’t have to.”
He predicted that voters and senators would resist a message from an out-of-state magnate who is associated with government limits on soda and salt.
“What he is going to find out is that Americans don’t want to be told by some elitist billionaire what they can eat, drink and they damn well don’t want to be told how, when and where they can protect their families,” Mr. Cox said.
Thomas E. Mann, a Congressional scholar at the Brookings Institution, agreed that Mr. Bloomberg “is not popular in many of the states he is going into right now.”
He said that $12 million in advertising was unlikely to influence the outcome of the legislation unless lawmakers were convinced that Mr. Bloomberg would open his wallet again after the vote — both to reward those who supported the bill and to punish those who did not. “That is absolutely key,” Mr. Mann said.
Mr. Flake, for example, was just elected and will not face voters again until 2018.
For those like Mr. Bloomberg, who believed the shooting in Newtown, Conn., was a turning point in the gun debate, it is a somewhat humbling moment. President Obama has called for bold action, and former Representative Gabrielle Giffords has lent her personal story to the cause.
Still, what they are now fighting for is, by the admission of gun control advocates, a diminished version of what they wanted — and even that is proving a tough sell.
“These ideas shouldn’t be controversial,” the president said in his radio address on Saturday.
Mr. Bloomberg lamented that “sausage and the law aren’t pretty the way they are made.”
But he is eager to seize what he can. “I think you’ve got as good a chance as we’ve ever had,” the mayor said.